Introduction
This report is based on direct interviews with 34 victims of arbitrary detention, ill-treatment and torture by the Taliban and aims to provide a detailed picture of the state of prisons, with particular focus on torture and ill-treatment in Afghanistan. All 34 respondents faced some form of physical or psychological torture and ill-treatment in different stages of their detention. The report documents the victims’ experiences and narratives and provides a deeper understanding of torture patterns in places of deprivation of liberty (PDL) in Afghanistan. The report aims to raise public awareness, and advocate for protection for survivors and accountability for those responsible for torture and ill-treatment.
Since the Taliban’s re-takeover of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, numerous reports have emerged of widespread human rights violations, particularly in detention facilities under their control. In the absence of independent oversight bodies and effective legal deterrents, the Taliban, de facto authorities in Afghanistan (DFA) have arbitrarily and unlawfully detained individuals during this period, subjecting them to torture and ill-treatment.
Torture is not a new phenomenon in Afghanistan, and has a long history across various regimes. This report specifically focuses on treatment of detainees and the inhumane conditions prevalent in detention facilities in Afghanistan since August 2021. Based on the findings of this research, arbitrary detention is a common experience of individuals detained by the Taliba and the use of torture and ill-treatment is prevalent across the PDLs affiliated with various Taliban entities, including the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), Ministry of Interior (MoI) and Ministry of Defence (MoD). Taliban use various methods of torture to extract confessions and information, intimidate, punish, or humiliate detainees. Information obtained from interviewees also indicates that torture has been employed as a tool to suppress protests and suppress dissent, and as a means of retaliation against former government employees, especially opponents and critics of the Taliban.
The survivor testimonies for this report cover information about the Taliban treatment of detainees from the initial stages of arrest until release. Thirty two of the 34 interviewees referenced physical torture in their statements, with several of the women respondents experiencing sexual harassment as well. Respondents have also spoken about their experiences of prolonged solitary confinement and detention in private prisons, deliberate deprivation of health and medical services, denial of access to legal counsel, insufficient food, and other humiliating and inhumane conditions. In some cases, the Taliban, primarily the employees of the General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) have tortured victims for amusement and recreation, and they have continued to harass some survivors after their release.
We hope this report will receive serious attention from the United Nations member states, governments engaging with the Taliban, International Criminal Court (ICC), relevant United Nations bodies and UN mandates and organizations working to support victims of torture. The findings should pave the way for urgent action to further investigate and address the situation in Taliban-controlled detention centres, prevent the continuation of torture and ill-treatment, and provide effective support to victims.
Research Methodology
Rawadari compiled this report using a qualitative research approach, focusing on documenting the Taliban’s treatment of prisoners, especially cases of torture and ill-treatment. Rawadari’s research team conducted direct interviews with 34 individuals, including 7 women, who faced detention and imprisonment after the Taliban regained power between August 15, 2021, and January 4, 2025. Rawadari team knew some of the respondents from our previous work on human rights violations and we used a snowball method to expand our initial list of interviewees. All interviews took place after the respondents’ release; 22 of these individuals now live outside Afghanistan. Their detention periods ranged from 2 hours to 3 years. The interviewees represent a diverse cross-section from 16 provinces, encompassing various ethnic, religious, gender, and professional backgrounds, including former government employees, civil activists, journalists, and human rights defenders.
From April 9 to June 3, 2025, a team of Rawadari’s researchers conducted these interviews either by phone or in person. We used a consistent, semi-structured questionnaire to document the experience of respondents in various stages, from arrest to release. Interviews were conducted in both Farsi/Dari and Pashto, each lasting between 1.5-3 hours.
Before each interview, we obtained informed verbal consent from the participants, thoroughly explaining the research objectives, data protection measures, and how we would use their information. To ensure the safety and security of all participants, we keep all collected data, including their identities, strictly confidential and secure.
For data analysis, we employed a qualitative approach, coding and categorizing all interviews based on the questionnaire content and key research themes. Therefore, this report is built on documenting and qualitatively analysing victims’ experiences. All the figures included in various sections aim to identify common patterns in these respondents’ accounts.
Research Limitations
Given the Taliban’s severe restrictions on access to information, particularly their use of violence and intimidation to prevent the disclosure of human rights violations, our primary challenge was limited access to victims and their reluctance to speak about their experiences.
When released from prison, the Taliban forbid victims from speaking to others or providing information. Many victims remain silent, fearing re-arrest and further torture. Additionally, some victims refused to be interviewed due to a deep distrust of accountability mechanisms and human rights organizations.
Furthermore, we couldn’t access official documents or related evidence for independent verification of our findings. Due to the Taliban’s restrictions, human rights organizations cannot currently monitor places of deprivation of liberty in Afghanistan. Despite these significant limitations, this report aims to present a comprehensive and factual picture of human rights abuses, especially torture and ill-treatment by the Taliban, drawn directly from first-hand victim testimonies.
We have intentionally withheld some details, such as dates and locations for some cases, to protect the identities of the victims.
Legal Framework
Freedom from torture is an absolute and undeniable right recognized in numerous international human rights documents. In this section, we will first define torture and its elements, then briefly discuss relevant international instruments and Afghanistan’s domestic laws.
Definition of Torture
Article 1 of the International Convention Against Torture defines torture as: “Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.” The Istanbul Protocol further elaborates on the types of pain and suffering, methods, and objectives of torture, offering effective guidance for its identification and documentation.
Elements and Conditions for Torture
According to the Convention Against Torture, the crime of torture requires the simultaneous presence of these elements:
- Material Element: This involves an intentional act or omission that causes severe physical or mental pain or suffering. It can be direct (e.g., beating, psychological abuse) or a deliberate failure to perform duties (e.g., denying food, medicine, or family contact).
- Mental Element: Torture must be premeditated, committed with the specific intent to inflict pain or suffering. Unintentional or accidental acts, even if they cause suffering, do not constitute torture.
- Perpetrator of Torture: The act of torture must be carried out directly by a state official or with their consent, instigation, or silent approval. Actions between private individuals without state involvement are not considered torture.
- Purpose of Torture: The infliction of physical and mental pain and suffering must be aimed at obtaining information or a confession, or for intimidation, punishment, or based on discrimination.
- Severity of Pain and Suffering: Given the previous four elements, an intentional act or omission that causes the most intense physical and mental suffering to the victim is considered torture.
International human rights instruments and Afghanistan’s domestic laws explicitly guarantee freedom from torture as an inalienable human right.
